Books Summaries
Books Summaries
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Books Summaries
History 280: Book Summaries Spring 2002
Klaus Epstein, The Genesis of German Conservatism (1966) establishes the existence of a strong
current of conservative thought and action in Germany in the late 18th century, if not a real conservative movement; the book carries the story up to 1806. Conservatives were formed in reaction to the German Aufklärung, especially in the latter’s critique of religion; conservatives are soon writing on social, economic and political matters. Perhaps the most common type of conservative before and after the beginning of the French Revolution were moderate, British-style conservatives, of which the Hanoverians, August Rehberg and Justus Möser were the outstanding examples. Conservative writers were perhaps more public and aggressive after 1789, but conservative currents were well established before that date. The author comments on the tendency of German conservatives to promote Bildung (education) rather than agitate for political change.
Walter Simon, The Failure of the Prussian Reform Movement (1954) casts light on the partial modernization of Prussia during the Napoleonic Years. The old Frederician system had suffered such a catastrophic blow at the hands of Napoleon that significant reform occurs in the most unexpected of places. The most impressive and thoroughgoing reform occurs in the military area as Prussia embraces more or less the idea of the nation in arms; recruitment, staff planning, military education, and focus on talent and qualification in the officer corps are all incorporated into the Prussian military system. Other areas such as rural institutions, education and urban reform change less dramatically; and the constitution promised by the king is postponed after the defeat of Napoleon and not implemented until 1849. But Prussia emerges as a much more ‘modern’ state and thus a more natural leader in Germany.
David Sorkin, The Transformation of European Jewry, 1780-1840 (1987) discusses attempts by the bourgeois German Jewish community to integrate itself into the general German bourgeois culture in the late 18th and early 19th century. The attempt represented the impact of the German Enlightenment on German Jews, who agreed, in exchange for greater toleration and acceptance, to begin a process of self-Bildung to enable them to fit in as another confession (alongside the Protestant and Catholic) in German culture and society. The author argues that the attempt was only partially successful: by the middle of the 19th century German Jews were very similar to their gentile counterparts, but still segregated into separate groups and organizations; German gentiles remained conscious of the differences between Jews and themselves.
Ernest K. Bramsted, Aristocracy and the Middle Classes in Germany (1964) analyzes the relationship ship between the German middle classes and the aristocracy through the lens of German realist novels and German popular literature such as magazines. His thesis appears to be that through the 1860’s the middle classes (represented by authors such as Gustav Freitag) had a clear idea of their distinctness from the aristocracy and perhaps their superiority to it, since the middle classes represented virtues such as thrift, seriousness and hard work and were the wave of the future. After the 1860’s attitudes appear to shift: criticism of the aristocracy is blunted, and the sources indicate more interest in and support for nationalism, militarism and an aggressive foreign policy.
J.P. Stern, Idylls and Realities: Studies in Nineteenth-Century German Literature (1971) analyzes various genres in German literature throughout the 19th century. Although Germans enjoy some western-style social realism (Gustav Freitag), the only great German realist comes at the end of the century, Theodor Fontane. German literature in this period rather emphasizes the “idyll.” Many characters in these works spurned involvement in politics and other aspects of the public sphere: indeed, the hero’s contact with the public sphere often brought his destruction (Georg Büchner). These works stressed solitude and alienation and “flight” into refuges designed to protect the artist from an uncomfortable modern world of industrialization and urbanization. Patriarchal societies and a lyrical nature (Stifter) come to mind. There is a tradition of inwardness and alienation in German writers of this period.
Martin Swales, The German Bildungsroman from Wieland to Hesse (1978) charts the evolution of this typical German genre from the late 18th to the early 20th century. No other national tradition indulges so much in this type of novel which chronicles “the quest for organic growth and personal self-realization” through the early years of adulthood. Goethe’s Wilhelm Meister is the real archetype for this genre. Wieland, Stifter and Keller all appear to analyze the tensions between the creative impulse in the budding artist and the practical demands of the world around him. Succeeding in the arts usually implies unhappiness in the world, an inability to succeed in practical affairs, perhaps an inability to attain one’s desires. With some exceptions, the writer ends alienated from the society in which he lives (is this a condition particularly common in Germany?). The Magic Mountain is the most monumental of these works, but it is difficult to define what Hans Castorp learns in his Swiss sanitorium.
Alan Sked, The Survival of the Habsburg Empire: Radetzky, the Imperial Army and the Class War, 1848 (1979) attempts to shed light on the factors making for the survival of the supernational Austrian Empire in an age of national obsessions. For one thing, the book deals with the attempts of Radetzky to undermine the position of the anti-Austrian, nationalist nobility living in Lombardy at mid-century; his attempts to push through land reforms that would benefit the peasants at the expense of the nobles were not, however, very successful. Radetzky was, however, much more successful in bringing military and administrative power to bear in the summers of 1848 and 1849 to keep the empire together; he defeated the Italian armies in the field. Kaisertreue (loyalty to the Francis Joseph) and Radetzkytreue (loyalty to the ‘proconsul’ in the field) were at the heart of the survival of the Empire until 1918. The army and the civil service provided perhaps the main glue to keep the Empire together.
Dennis Showalter, Railroads and Rifles: Soldiers, Technology and the Unification of Germany (1975) examines the impact of technology on primarily the Prussian Army in the years of conflict at mid-century. His general thesis is that armies have to make appropriate strategic and tactical adjustments in order to put new military technology to effective use. The Prussian General Staff was quite effective in putting new railroad technology to use in troop transport: Moltke’s use of railroads in the Austro-Prussian War enabled him to bring large numbers of troops to bear against the Austrians, although at the cost of exposing units to piecemeal attacks. The Prussian Army was cautious in adopting cast-steel rifled artillery, and these new guns played only a small role in the Prussian victory of 1866. The most important innovation for that war was the new breech-loading needle gun with its rapid fire capabilities. Prussian planners effectively modified troop tactics to take advantage of the increased firepower, and this was brought to bear with devastating effect on the Austrians at Königgrätz.
A.J.P Taylor, Bismarck, the Man and the Statesman (1955) is a well-known quirky interpretation of Bismarck’s life and significance. The author specializes in “off the wall” interpretations that he often does not document sufficiently (or at all); he also sometimes contradicts himself. Was Bismarck downright timid about the Hohenzollern Candidacy and was dragged, so to speak, kicking and screaming into the War of 1870? Did he really say in the early 1870’s that he was bored? Did he take his subordination to God seriously? Was his outlook seriously influenced by the Hamburg background of his mother and her family? He does seem to give some interesting psychoanalytic interpretations of Bismarck’s adult personality; and the author establishes well that Bismarck was an opportunist, waiting for God to walk by so he could catch the hem of his garment, and that he did not have a master plan for solving the constitutional crisis even before he came to office.
Fritz Stern, Gold and Iron: Bismarck, Bleichröder, and the Building of the German Empire (1979) is a classic, highly praised biography of the German Jewish banker Bleichröder and his relations to his employer Bismarck and the German state in this era. Despite the banker’s Jewishness, the two men were close friends, remaining in close contact until Bleichröder’s death in 1893. The banker helped Bismarck build up a huge private fortune; he was heavily involved in Prussian public finances especially during the 1860’s, and because of his contacts with foreign bankers (particularly the Rothschilds in Paris) he was of some use to Bismarck as an informal diplomat after 1870. The close relation of the two symbolizes the union of old nobility and new money that is a salient feature of the new German Reich. Bleichröder becomes a butt of rising anti-semitic sentiment in Germany in the late 19th century (the Jewish financial manipulator behind the scenes). The book is beautifully written. It attracted one extensive hostile review by Geoff Eley, who attacked it because it represented the “old” history of traditional biography, political orientation without sufficient analysis of historical structures and systems.
Adalbert Stifter, The Recluse (1843) is a novella (short novel) by one of the great stylists in 19th century German literature. It is about a young man living in the Böhmerwald who, before he takes up a profession, goes to visit his uncle on an enchanted-seeming island in the middle of a large lake in the mountains; the uncle persuades the young man to give up his prospective life in the city and to return home to his small town, marry, have children, and live quietly in domestic bliss. Descriptions of nature are quietly beautiful and seem to refer to a spiritual dimension not apparent on the surface of the story. The novella is interesting for its depiction of a relationship between the older and younger generation, and for its endorsement of a simple, traditional, domestic life in the Austrian provinces. Stifter presents an “idyll” in which the main characters choose to live away from the big city and the pace of change characteristic of the 19th century.
Donald Rohr, The Origins of Social Liberalism in Germany (1963) analyzes developing thought by German liberals on the emerging social question in Germany between 1830 and 1848. It seems that a large number of liberal writers in Germany in this period were aware of the social and economic dislocation caused in Germany by the beginnings of industrialization and they recommended strong action to remedy the worst abuses. Some of the liberals were defenders of economic liberalism who considered overwork and poverty a temporary issue that would be soon remedied by the spontaneous operation of the market place. Most however recommended that action be taken by either the state or voluntary organizations. The most prominent was Robert von Mohl (1799-1875) who identified the concept of mass poverty and recommended that the state intervene to guarantee minimum wages, subsidize housing and outlaw child labor. The influence of these social liberals was limited in the following period because of the general prosperity in Europe; but social liberalism was to have a major influence on Germany at the turn of the 20th century.
Hermann Oncken, Napoleon III and the Rhine: The Origins of the War of 1870-71 (Berlin, 1926). This book was the introduction to a three-volume collection of German documents published in the 1920’s on the origins of the War of 1870. The author writes a thesis-driven essay in which he shows his extreme disenchantment with the War Guilt clause of the Treaty of Versailles (1919) that forced Germany to accept responsibility for the First World War. The author analyzes the commitment of France since the 17th century to keep Germany disunited and to annex the Left (German-speaking) Bank of the Rhine. He asserts that the French government was aggressively pursuing an expansionist policy in the late 1860’s and seized upon the Hohenzollern Candidacy to provoke a war with Prussia that would humiliate Bismarck. The “à tout jamais” demand was simply a delaying tactic based on the calculation that the French army was not quite ready for war. Bismarck’s role in the affair of the Ems Telegram was defensive and designed to unmask the French plot. The author’s thesis is tendentious; he hardly considers the questions of Bismarck’s role. The book is of use only to someone already familiar with the material.
James J. Sheehan, German Liberalism in the Nineteenth Century (1978) essentially analyzes the reasons for the “failure” of German liberalism (compared to their western European confreres). The German liberal movement split as a result of Bismarck’s Prussian-led unification of Germany; it then progressively lost strength to the right and the left up to World War I; liberals never succeeded in pushing through democratic and liberal changes in German political; the more conservative National Liberals often acted not much like liberals. The reasons and patterns: 1) great regional diversity among German liberals; 2) the fear of virtually all German liberals of “mob rule,” i.e., the revolutionary potential of the popular classes; 3) as a rule, liberals were opposed to an organized party structure; thus their influence was limited; 4) German liberalism was never a class movement, i.e., the German middle classes often supported conservative movements or the Catholic Center Party. The book is no fun to read.
Lawrence S. Steefel, Bismarck, the Hohenzollern Candidacy, and the Origins of the Franco-German War of 1870 (1962) is one of the most up-to-date treatments of this subject, taking into account the new documents found in the German state archives and published by Georges Bonnin in 1957. Steefel was a student of Robert Lord, who published the first authoritative English-language book on the subject in 1924. Steefel accepts the standard interpretation that after about February 1870 Bismarck was pursuing a provocative policy toward France, and that he must have realized that war was a probable outcome. The author is less sure whether Bismarck played a strong role in the Hohenzollern Candidacy before that date; he states “The evidence adduced to prove his activity before that date is not convincing.” Some informed reviewers that that he is giving Bismarck too much benefit of the doubt; Prussia’s Minister-President was too canny and well-informed for us to imagine that he was not aware of the implications of the Candidacy on France. The book does not retell the story, but is essentially a historiographical commentary on the scholarship available at that time. There is some debate as to whether it is a “masterpiece.”
Michael Howard, The Franco-Prussian War: The German Invasion of France, 1870-1871 (1961) is a widely praised, definitive-seeming work on the Franco-German conflict. The book discusses the background to the war, examines the condition of the two armies and their war plans on the eve of the conflict, and describes and analyzes the military operations and their implications. The French Army went into the war overconfident because of their military domination in the previous couple of centuries of European history. The author insists that the Prussian Army was superior to the French in all areas except technological, and the latter advantage was neutralized by poor leadership. Moltke was an effective commander, and most of the French commanders were passive and uncertain. The French supply system was woefully inadequate. The author gives an interesting analysis of civil-military relations on both sides, of irregular guerilla-style warfare in the latter part of the war, and of the strengths and weaknesses of the second French war effort beginning in September 1870. Howard thinks Bazaine is worthy of our sympathy, if not our admiration. Gordon Craig thinks the book is a “splendid volume.”
J. Alden Nichols, The Year of the Three Kaisers, 1887-88 (1987) examines the politics of the approximately twelve months embracing the death of Wilhelm I, the short reign of his son Frederick III (husband of Victoria, daughter of the Queen), and then his death and the accession of his son, Wilhelm II. The book focuses mainly on the policy of Chancellor Bismarck in this period fraught with potential danger for the new Reich. The author takes positive view of Bismarck’s politics: he contrasts Bismarck’s “domination through balance and maneuver” with the “warring ideologies” of irresponsible, “parochial” conservatism and tendentious “unreal” liberalism. In contrast to the cynical interpretation of authors like Erich Eyck, the author thinks that his Septennat Election (1887) was conducted (however ruthlessly!) with good intentions, i.e., to create a bloc in the Reichstag that would ease the transition to the reign of Frederick William. We should also give credit to Bismarck for easing the subsequent transition to Wilhelm II, who was a particular problem because of his immaturity and impulsiveness and his attachment to the likes of Court Chaplain Adolph Stöcker and the “mercurial Russophobe” General von Waldersee. Bismarck is presented as a pragmatist devoted to preserving a stable Germany.
Guenther Roth, The Social Democrats in Imperial Germany: A Study in Working-Class Isolation and National Integration (1963) is a sociologist’s analysis of the evolving role of Social Democracy in Germany from the 1870’s until the fall of the Reich. Basing himself on classic sociologists such as Max Weber, Roth gives a theoretical analysis of historical patterns already elucidated in other books. The German nation rejected both the Russian (repression) and the Anglo-French (democratic integration) models of integrating the industrial proletariat into the life of the nation; the German case may be described as “negative integration,” whereby the working class movement is allowed (by the state and the middle classes) to organize itself and thrive, but is constantly denounced by the government, not allowed to participate in the political system, and used as a bugbear to scare other Germans into conformity with the government program. The book is particularly adept at painting a picture of the socialist subculture provided by the Social Democrats: German workers’ lives are influenced both by the culture at large (patriotism in school and military service) and by specific activities organized by their party and their trade unions. Orthodox Marxist theory play an integrating role in the Social Democratic organization and paradoxically promote reformism in the movement. The author thinks that “negative integration” added to the stability of the German state (but it apparently was not enough).
Louis Snyder, Diplomacy in Iron: The Life of Herbert von Bismarck (1985) is a competent consideration of the career of the famous Bismarck’s son, although the book often focuses more on the father than the son. Herbert shared many of his father’s vices – over-indulgence, vindictiveness, arrogance – compounded perhaps by his unconscious resentment of his father’s domination. He often oscillated between ingratiating charm and being “an angry, snarling martinet.” He went into service in the German Foreign Office in 1873 and was Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs from 1886 to 1890. He was a competent official and often represented his father in specific negotiations. Herbert resigned his position when his father stepped down in 1890. Afterwards, he served in the Reichstag until his death in 1904 and did his best to be a thorn in the side of the Hohenzollerns. He has little importance himself, but is useful in understanding the nature of the Bismarckian system, where it seems the Chancellorship was supposed to be hereditary.
David Crew, Town in the Ruhr: A Social History of Bochum, 1860-1914 (1979) deals with the broad outlines of the evolution of a Ruhr industrial town in this period. Bochum grew from modest size at the beginning of the period to one of the four main industrial centers in the Ruhr by the turn of the century. Coal mining and metallurgy were the main industries. The work force tended to be migratory, especially at the beginning: most of the workers immigrated from surrounding rural areas looking for jobs; the population became more settled as the years passed. Life for workers was hard: periods of prosperity and more or less full employment alternated with times of unemployment and falling wages due often to foreign competition. Income brought into the family by women was much less important than that of the men. Company housing provided some stability, but it was often used to keep control over the workers. Social mobility was very limited among workers in Bochum: very few of them moved up the social ladder to become members of the bourgeoisie. The book seems to leave out many interesting subjects such as improvement in public health, diet, standard of living, influence of the socialists and trade unions.
Erich Eyck, Bismarck and the German Empire (1950) is one of the most popular treatments of Bismarck's life and significance. Eyck was a German liberal who left Germany during the Hitlerzeit and settled in England. Eyck is highly critical of Bismarck's methods, achievements and influence. He gives him credit for being a sort of genius in foreign affairs, and for being a moderate statesman in several instances, e.g., in his decision not to impose a punitive peace on Austria in 1866 and in conducting a defensive foreign policy after 1871. The author does however criticize Bismarck for a duplicity and mendaciousness that often sowed distrust among nations; Bismarck must bear the major blame for the origins of the Franco-Prussian War. Eyck is even more critical of Bismarck's domestic policy, where the Chancellor's egotism, lies, short-term goals and cynical manipulations left Germany with a terrible burden: a weak parliament, excessive power in the office of the Emperor, and slavish attitude toward authority among the German people. Eyck emphasizes the Bennigsen episode in 1878 when according to the author Bismarck refused to take Bennigsen into his 'government' because he was afraid that a precedent might be established for a 'Gladstone Cabinet.' The image that emerges is a supremely gifted, dominating character who achieved great things; but fatally (for Germany) flawed by his egotism and short-sightedness.
George L. Mosse, Germans and Jews: The Right, the Left and the Search for a "Third Force" in pre-Nazi Germany (1970) is a collection of essays of different subjects by the noted historian of pre-Fascism. The useful parts of the book deal with the search by German intellectuals before World War I for a "third force" that would establish a just society in Germany owing nothing to either capitalism or Marxism. The German Volkish movement, influential among intellectuals and youth (the German Youth Movement) before the war, emphasized the nobility of ties to the land and agrarian pursuits, the spirit of provincial man, the unity of the souls of individuals bound to the Volk through their love of the land, the development of the body through sports, the mystical bond between the Volkish leader and his followers, etc. The movement tended to be highly anti-semitic, and indulged many of the standard anti Jewish ideas of the age: the Jews as rootless, duplicitous, unethical; their participation in a worldwide Jewish conspiracy; their ugliness, filth and immorality; Volkish people became racial anti-semites around the turn of the century. Paradoxically the Zionist movement in this period was influenced by these Volkish ideas in their organization, ideology, etc.
Frederick Hollyday, Bismarck's Rival: A Political Biography of General and Admiral Albrecht Von Stosch (1960) is a straightforward, well research biography of the "rival" of Bismarck for the office of Imperial Chancellor in the 1880's. Stosch was from a Junker family; he made his way as a high-ranking supply officer in the Prussian Army during and after the Franco-Prussian War and then as head of the new Reich navy from 1872 to 1883. Stosch is universally recognized as an efficient and gifted officer, largely responsible for the beginning buildup of the German Navy in the period before Tirpitz. He was clearly a conservative by most standards, but he was open-minded enough to be a close friend of liberal novelist Gustav Freytag and also an associate of the Crown Prince. Probably because of the latter, Bismarck became convinced that Stosch was aiming to replace him and that the Crown Prince may well appoint him Chancellor when old William died. When Stosch defended the powers of the Prussian War Minister in 1883, Bismarck forced him to resign; thereafter Stosch remained in retirement growing wine. Bismarck's touchy treatment of Stosch reminds one of his relations with Harry Arnim in the 1870's. People with opinions like Stosch had little hope for success under the Bismarck regime. Bismarck's treatment of him is instructive on the nature of the Reich constitution and Bismarck's political behavior.
Wolfgang Mommsen, Imperial Germany 1867-1918: Politics, Culture and Society in an Authoritarian State (1995) is a collection of densely written, related, often overlapping essays written by the author over the last 30 years. They tend to be elucidations/reinterpretations of German history in this period rather than original research. Their approach seems similar to Gordon Craig's. One can do no more than summarize the highlights. 1) The German political system created by Bismarck was a system of "skirted decisions:" hard choices were not made in drafting the constitution, authority lines were unclear, the system often functioned chaotically: "the Empire was almost ungovernable by the early 1890's" (Craig, p. 251: politics "resemble[d] a bellum omnium contra omnes."). The system was in a latent crisis in the last 25 years of its existence. 2) Germans were conscious of pursuing a Sonderweg that was neither the capitalist/democratic liberalism of the West nor the autocracy (later Marxism) of the East. (Was Nazism a realization of this dream?) 3) Expansive nationalism/ Weltpolitik/navalism seized control of much public opinion in the 1890's and never let go. Tirpitz exploited it ruthlessly to support construction of the battle fleet; the regime exploited it in order to ward off reform of the Wilhelmine system. The middle classes, especially professional people and lower middle classes were adamant supporters. Even the conservatives (Junkers, etc.) were behind it after the turn of the century. Public opinion often raced ahead of the government in clamoring for an aggressive foreign policy. 4) By the end of the 19th century bourgeois writers were mainly estranged from middle class politics (exception Heinrich Mann): some of them supported strong nationalist aims; others withdrew into the artist's realm of alienation and Bildung.
Gordon Craig, The Politics of the Prussian Army, 1640-1945 (1955) is a classic analysis of the relations of the Prussian officer corps with the Prussian (then German) state through the end of World War II. In the 19th century, the army always strove to maintain it independence of the civilian authorities, considering itself subject only to the command of the king; it also strove to influence foreign policy when appropriate. In the mid-century wars the elder Moltke always strove to influence foreign policy in wartime, much to Bismarck's chagrin; but at least he had an understanding of political factors in wartime. The army was quite independent of civilian control in the Bismarckian and Wilhelmine periods: the seven-year law and the defanging of the Prussian War Minister in 1883 are cases in point. At this time the army expelled all "subversive" elements also from the officer corps. The Schlieffen Plan (1905) was developed without civilian participation, and has a fateful impact on the conduct of foreign policy up to 1914. Taking advantage of the confusion of the German constitution, the army established basically a military dictatorship in Germany from 1916-1918 leading the country to a disastrous defeat. The army was careful to maintain its independence vis-à-vis the Weimar Republic, and "signed on" to the Nazi accession to power in 1933. Virtually all vestiges of the army's vaunted independence were eliminated by 1938, and not only the Reich but the army were completely destroyed in 1945. Craig's lesson: the army should be under civilian control; it was the chief obstacle to democratic progress in Germany's recent history.
George Mosse, The Crisis of German Ideology: The Intellectual Origins of the Third Reich (1964) posits the development of a "volkisch" ideology in Germany beginning in the 19th century; this ideology was the direct ancestor of National Socialist ideas, and was perhaps, according to Mosse, the main origin of the victory of the Nazis in Germany. The volkish ideology goes back to certain conservative theorists in the Romantic Period. Volkish thinkers believed in a mystic German soul that had an equally mystical relationship with the soil of the country; they wanted nothing to do with modern civilization, progress, industrialization, liberalism; their enemy was the urban proletariat and the Jew. Racism, particularly anti-semitism was rampant among the Volkish thinkers: Jews were given the repulsive racial characteristics that the Nazis emphasized; the German race was superior to all others, the eugenics were justified in order to produce a pure German race. Richard Wagner, Friedrich Nietzsche's sister, Paul de Lagarde and Julius Langbehn (only Germans possessed a soul, they should rule subject races under a messianic ruthless leader. Jews were presented as subhuman creatures. Volkish ideas were particularly strong among the young, in the Youth Movement, university students, etc. After the disaster of the war, these ideas became much more popular; the NSDAP was a direct outgrowth of them, and rode to power largely on their power. Through these ideas the Nazis had a direct appeal to the German people. Familiarity with this set of ideas makes it easier to understand how the Nazis could have come to power in this civilized country.
Hans-Ulrich Wehler, The German Empire, 1871-1918 (1985) is a structuralist interpretation of the years of the Wilhelmine period ("the problem-oriented historical structural analysis of German society and its politics"); its approach appears to be derived partly from Marxism. He thinks Germany in this period was dominated by an elite of powerful groups (industrialists, Junker farmers, bureaucrats, army officers, etc.) who exploited the system in their own interests. Under Bismarck Germany was a "Bonapartist-type dictatorial regime" that evolved into an "authoritarian polyarchy without coordination in the Wilhelmine years. The elites developed in effect the "Sammlung" policy to rally the nation behind them in opposition to the threat of the Social Democrats and of Germany's foreign enemies (navalism); their aim was to prevent any significant change to the system. He appears to think that 19th century imperialism was a seeking for a place to house excess capital and goods. He does not agree with the Fischer thesis that Germany hatched and launched World War I as a bid for world power; but that in their increasing desperation the German elites bungled foreign policy and thus unwittingly plunging Europe into a war from which they would be a long time recovering. The book has a turgid, dull style.
Klemens von Klemperer, Germany's New Conservatism: Its History and Dilemma in the Twentieth Century (1957, 1968) brings together in a somewhat problematic category of "Neo-Conservative" a number of right-wing intellectuals who labored under the Weimar Republic. They had their roots in prewar Germany, and were manifest in the ideas of "national socialism," German socialism or conservative socialism that emerged in the "Spirit of 1914" during the war. The moderate "elder" conservatives of the early years of Weimar (Walter Rathenau, Max Weber, Thomas Mann) argued for a strong presidency, federal structure and a collaborative socialism, but they soon gave way to a more angry generation of Young Conservatives. Moeller van der Bruck, Oswald Spengler and Ernst Jünger put forth various ideas that the Nazis picked up: war as adventure and creativity, irrationalism, nihilism, the myth of a Third Reich that would bring salvation to Germany, some sort of socialism that would serve all Germans; they were all strongly opposed to the Weimar Republic. The Nazis exploited their ideas and "glittering" vocabulary ruthlessly. They were eliminated from the public scene as soon as they had served their purposes for the Nazis. They succeeded in helping undermine the republic, but made no positive contribution to German politics. They were not consistent, certainly made no effort to agree with one another, and in fact don't fit comfortable under a single sobriquet like "Neo-Conservative." They are indicative of the influence of disillusioned Wilhelmine intellectuals like Delagarde and Julius Langbehn, and of the fateful rejection of the Weimar Republic by many intellectuals after World War I.
Roger Chickering, Imperial Germany and the Great War, 1914-1918 (1998) is an excellent comprehensive source for study of this subject. It is an admirable summary of current research and insights about the German experience in World War I. It is extremely well written -- clean, graceful and balanced. It asserts: the German Army was efficient and the war effort was reasonably well organized; the military usurped political power in Germany, particularly after Ludendorff and Hindenburg were put in charge toward the end of 1916; political and military leaders were motivated by internal political considerations, i.e., avoid internal political changes in Germany; major strategic decisions taken in 1914, 1917 and 1918 were arrogant, risky, and even desperate; opposition to the war was negligible before 1917 when it became pervasive, although passive, due to internal hardships and war weariness; military and conservative leaders plotted in 1918 to saddle the democratic civilian leadership with responsibility for losing the war, and in the 1920s they succeeded in blaming the Weimar Republic for the defeat. The author emphasizes the latter is an absurd thesis, "a monument of perversity and intellectual folly" that was largely responsible for Germany's involvement in another, even more disastrous, European war.
Andreas Dorpalen, Heinrich von Treitschke (1957) is an excellent treatment of the Perceptor Gemaniae and his times. It is particularly good at placing Treitschke in his times: before 1871 he was devoted heart and soul to the cause of the unification of Germany under Prussia; after 1871 he was invariably disappointed how the story turned out under Bismarck and Wilhelm II, when Germany became a place of petty squabbles and crass materialism. Known for his patriotic lectures, he was a radical loner who had to shout and rant because of his inherited deafness. He claimed always to be a National Liberal, which may have been justified in his earlier days when he placed his hopes on the national will of the German Bürgertum, but liberal principles are hard to detect after 1871. He was a devoted and passionate student of Hegel; he emphasized the creative role of the (Prussian) state in the life of Germany. He adopted strong anti-semitic ideas in his later years, but his animosity was cultural and social rather than racial. He was particularly vitriolic in his denunciation of England. It is difficult to map his influence after his death, but he seems to stand at the head of the patriotic fervor of the Bildunsbügertum in the Wilhelmine and Weimar years: pseudo-liberal, nationalist, imperialistic and increasingly racist.
Martin Kitchen, The Silent Dictatorship: The Politics of the German High Command Under Hindenburg and Ludendorff, 1916-1918 (1976) is an able detailed analysis of the policy of the OHL (High Command of the German Army) under Hindenburg and Ludendorff. Hindenburg was essentially a father figure for the nation and the army; Ludendorff provided the ideas and a ruthless will to pursue the war to total victory. German army officers thought they should control every aspect of the total war being waged by 1916 -- not just command of the army, but war production, foreign policy, resistance to internal democratic reform, etc. Soon after these officers were appointed commanders-in-chief, OHL set in place a dictatorship that tolerated some civilian participation as essentially a smoke screen to mask their policies and a scapegoat upon whom they could dump responsibility in case things went wrong. The Kaiser was aware of the danger and resisted the appointment of Hindenburg and Ludendorff, but he soon became their puppet: whenever he resisted their demands (for example, the removal of civilian leaders), they would force his compliance with threats of resignation. These developments show the weakness of the Wilhelmine constitutional system -- anarchic assignments of responsibilities with much military influence that becomes dominant in time of war. The Dolchstoss idea was already implicit in OHL's policy in 1916. As soon as a hysterical Ludendorff realized in 1918 that the army was headed for defeat, he took measures to evade responsibility and to blame the defeat on the civilians.
Richard William Mackey, The Zabern Affair, 1913-1914 (1991) ably chronicles the evolution and significance of the famous events in this Alsatian town. Lieutenant Forstner and his regimental commander, Colonel von Reuter, showing their fabled Prussian arrogance, are the villains of the piece. By invoking martial law in peacetime, they broke Reich law in several instances. An interpellation in the Reichstag evoked a spirited defense of the autonomy of the military from Bethmann-Hollweg. When court-martialed, Forstner and Reuter were found innocent. Things returned to normal. The significance of the affair is multi-faceted. 1) It showed the continuing autonomy of the military in Wilhelmine Germany: its prerogatives must be defended even if the law must be broken. The military's power is amply demonstrated in the war years. 2) Liberals and the Reichstag remain timid: even though there was much outrage in the Reichstag, nothing was done to place limits on the government. 3) There was much concern in Germany about the issue. Even though no one was pressing for revolution, many people in Germany were moving to the position that the constitution of the Reich was unworkable; this may be seen as the preparation for the overthrow of the Reich in 1918.
Fritz Stern, The Politics of Cultural Despair (1961) is a celebrated, brilliant and well-written account of the career, ideas and influence of three social/cultural critics in Germany in the late 19th century and the early 20th century: Paul de la Garde, Julius Langbehn and Moeller van der Bruck. They were all alienated from the modern industrial, urban and liberal world in Germany, which they thought was in moral and social decay. They were connected to one another only through the similarity of their ideas. Their hatred of modernity led to a call for a "conservative revolution" that would restore traditional, creative virtues in Germany. Although they had no direct influence on politics or major intellectual trends before the war, but their sort of "Germanic ideology" has a major impact on the erosion of the Weimar Republic and the rise of Hitler to power. Much like Nietzsche, de la Garde despised the philistine middle classes and saw Germany in a severed cultural crisis on the morrow of unification; he hated liberals and Jews. Julius Langbehn in his popular Rembrandt als Erzieher bemoaned the supremacy of science, liberalism, commerce and industrialization in late 19th century Germany; he advocated a cult of youth (very influential in the turn-of-the-century Wandervogel) and the revival of national values. In his Das Dritte Reich (1922) Moeller van der Bruck preached ideas and values that the Nazi incorporated into their ideology: the Third Reich that was soon to come under the mystical leadership of the Führer; he would establish a realm of National Socialism that would abolish class differences into a single Volk Gemeinschaft. These men leaped "from despair to utopia," helping lay the foundations for Nazi Germany. It seems the Germans paid a high "psyche cost" for their "hothouse industrialization."
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CHAPTER 1 SUMMARY
Through many millennia early humans (hominids) began using stones, discovered fire, and in small bands they gathered wild plants and hunted wild animals. Modern humans, known as Homo sapiens sapiens, appeared first in Africa no later than 150,000 years ago, and eventually spread throughout the world by the end of the Paleolithic era, or the Old Stone Age.
The Neolithic (New Stone Age) Revolution occurred beginning c. 10,000 B.C., and its significance was in producing food through the domestication of plants and animals, an event that first occurred in the upland regions of the Middle East’s Fertile Crescent. Permanent villages replaced nomadic bands, pottery was made from clay, goods were accumulated and traded.
Increasing complexity led to the further development of what is called civilization, which can be defined as urban, with more formal institutions, the use of writing, monumental architecture, and the production of metal.
Ancient Mesopotamia, in Southwest Asia, was a city-state civilization created by a people known as the Sumerians. The rivers were tamed, but remained unpredictable, affecting both religion and the arts (notably in the Epic of Gilgamesh). Priests and kings held a monopoly of power, temples (ziggurats) were constructed of brick, and trade and commerce expanded, although most of the inhabitants were farmers. Writing on clay, known as cuneiform (wedge-shaped) began. Located on flat plains, the city-states were vulnerable to invasion. The result was the creation of a series of empires, beginning with the Akkadians c. 2340 B.C, later followed by the Babylonians, famous for Hammurabi’s law code (c.1750).
Civilization also developed along Egypt’s Nile River, a more predictable river than those in Mesopotamia, and Egyptian religion reflected its more benign nature. The Nile also served as a unifier of ancient Egypt, and surrounded by deserts, Egypt was less subject to invasion. Egyptian pharaohs were perceived as gods, unlike the rulers in Mesopotamia, and their tombs were the pyramids that were constructed during the Old Kingdom, c. 2600-2400 B.C. A quest for immortality developed, particularly around the cult of Osiris, and mummification became widespread during the Middle Kingdom (c.2050-1650 B.C.), whose end coincided with an invasion of the Hyksos peoples. Native rule resumed during the New Kingdom (c. 1567-1085), an era of Egyptian imperialistic expansion throughout much of the Middle East.
During the 1330s, a potentially radical religious revolution began with the pharaoh Amenhotep IV, who assumed the name Akhenaten, in honor of his god, Aten, god of the disk of the sun. His actions in closing the temples devoted to the other gods alienated the priesthood, particularly the priests of the powerful god, Amon-Re. After his death, the old gods were restored, but in his religious pursuits, Akhenaten had neglected foreign policy, and Palestine and Syria were lost from Egyptian rule. In the 1200s, the so-called “Sea Peoples" invaded Egypt, and during the next millennium Egypt was often dominated by foreign empires, such as the Assyrian, Persian, and Macedonian. In the late first century B.C., Egypt became a Roman province.
CHAPTER 2 SUMMARY
Farming appeared in Europe’s Balkans by 6500 B.C. and in central Europe by 4000 B.C. Indo-European speakers migrated into Europe and the Middle East around 2000 B.C. One Indo-European group, the Hittites, established a kingdom in Asia Minor c. 1700. They, like the Egyptians, were attacked by the Sea Peoples, and by 1190, Hittite power had ended.
The Middle East was a complex and vibrant region during the first millennium B.C., with numerous peoples, sometimes as kingdoms and empires, contending with each other. One of the most significant peoples was the Semitic-speaking Hebrews of ancient Canaan. By the end of the second millennium B.C. they had emerged as an identifiable people, with a united kingdom under Saul, David, and Solomon, which was followed by two smaller kingdoms–Judah and Israel. The latter succumbed to the power of the Assyrian Empire in the late eighth century B.C. and the former to the Chaldeans, or the Neo-Babylonians, in 586 B.C.
It was not political, military, or economic power that explains the importance of the Jews, but their religion of ethical monotheism. The single God of the Hebrews–Yahweh–was perceived as a universal and transcendent God who demanded morality and goodness from his worshipers. The theological and moral beliefs of the ancient Hebrews have affected the western world down to the present.
A Middle Eastern kingdom that had much greater political and military power was the Assyrian Empire, whose might at its height stretched from the Tigris and the Euphrates to the Nile. The Assyrian kings, who were considered to be absolute rulers, assembled a mighty army of well over 100,000, and was the first large army to make use of iron weapons. The Assyrians resorted to terrorism to defeat and control their enemies: they had a fearsome reputation. The Assyrian Empire reached its apogee under Ashurbanipal (d. 626 B.C.), but by the end of the seventh century it was destroyed and succeeded by a new imperial power, the Chaldeans, or Neo-Babylonians, headed by Nebuchadnezzar (d. 562 B.C.), with his capital of Babylon becoming one of the ancient world’s great cities, which contained the famed Hanging Gardens.
However, the reign of the Chaldeans was brief and was followed by the Persians, an Indo-European speaking people related to the Medes and led by Cyrus the Great (d. 530 B.C.), from Persis in southern Iran. Under his leadership, the Persian Empire stretched from Asia Minor through the Middle East and Mesopotamia to western India. His successors, Cambyses and Darius, expanded and consolidated their rule, expanding into Egypt and, briefly, to Greece. Under Darius, Persia was the world’s largest empire. An efficient bureaucracy and an integrated road system were established, along with a cosmopolitan army, and its capitals were located at Susa and later at Persepolis. The most significant cultural contributions of the Persians was the religion of Zoroastrianism, a religion of the one god, Ahuramazda, who was opposed by an evil spirit, and which eventually resulted in a religion more dualistic than monotheistic in character.
CHAPTER 3 SUMMARY
Like the ancient Hebrews, the Greeks also had a profound influence on Western Civilization. Unlike the river valleys of the Middle East, Greece is mountainous land, with human occupation generally occurring in the narrow valleys. The soil was poor in most locations, and the peoples of Greece early turned to the sea, notably the Aegean Sea.
The first civilization in the region was a non-Greek society centered on the island of Crete. During the third millennium B.C. the Cretans, (or Minoans, from legendary King Minos), traded throughout the eastern Mediterranean. Commerce and art rather than military conquest governed the Minoans, practices reflected in the wall frescos at Knossos and elsewhere. However, c. 1450 B.C. its civilization was destroyed, perhaps by natural disaster, probably through military conquest by the Greek-speaking peoples of the mainland.
The earliest Greek-speakers (Indo-Europeans) migrated into Greece c. 1900 B.C., and by c. 1600 B.C. had established the first Greek, or Mycenaean, civilization (from one of its major cities, Mycenae). More war-like than the Minoans, the Mycenaeans dominated the Aegean world and beyond until they succumbed during the twelfth century B.C., possibly through invasions by new Greek-speakers from the north. A Dark Age resulted: civilization largely disappeared, an era covered by the stories of Homer’s epic poems, which established the heroic values for later Greek society.
With the end of the Dark Age (c. 800 B.C.) the era of the polis, or city-state, began. Most numbered a few thousand persons, although Athens at its height reached 300,000. Two of the most famous city-states were Sparta, a militarized polis ruled by an oligarchy, and where commerce and the arts were minimized, and Athens, which became noted for its democratic instructions though, like other poleis, their many slaves and women had no political rights.
War was endemic, with the poleis rarely uniting until Persians invaded Greece. The Persian War (499-479 B.C) temporarily unified the Greeks, who were victorious against the powerful Persian Empire. At the end of the war, Athens created the anti-Persian Delian League, but Athens converted the alliance into an empire. In reaction, Sparta created its own alliance, the Peloponnesian League. Eventually, war broke out, and in the resulting Peloponnesian War (431-404 B.C.), the Greek world suffered disastrously.
The fifth and fourth centuries was the classical era in Greece, especially in Athens, with the emergence of history and theater. The ideals of Greek art and architecture (e.g. the Parthenon) have survived to the present. Rational and critical thought developed, and philosophers such as Socrates, Plato, and Aristotle posed questions about humanity and nature which are still being debated today. Religion and myth were important to most Greeks: the gods dwelt on Mt. Olympus, games and festivals were held in their honor, and oracles were consulted, notably at Delphi. Ancient Greece was no utopia, as slavery, poverty, repression of women, and violence was often the norm, but as the text notes, its civilization was the fountainhead of the culture of the West.
CHAPTER 4 SUMMARY
The independence of the Greek poleis ended in the fourth century, and a new age, known as the Hellenistic era, came into being. Philip II (d. 336 B.C.), king of Macedonia to the north, overcame the last Greek resistance at the battle of Chaeronea in 338 B.C. His next goal was to invade the Persian Empire, but he was assassinated in 336 B.C. leaving that task to his twenty-year old son, Alexander, known to history as Alexander the Great.
In 334 B.C. Alexander crossed into Asia Minor with an army of 37,000 soldiers. By 332 B.C. he captured Egypt, building there a new city on the Mediterranean, and naming it Alexandria. The Persian capitals of Susa and Persepolis fell by 330 B.C., and he reached India three years later. Alexander wanted to go on, but his troops rebelled. Still planning more campaigns, Alexander died in Babylon in 323 B.C. at age thirty-two, one of the ancient world’s greatest heroes as well as one its most enigmatic figures.
The resulting society is known as Hellenistic, meaning Greek-like or to imitate Greeks. The Greek language became the international language, Greek ideas became influential, and Greek merchants, artists, philosophers, and soldiers found opportunities and rewards throughout the Near East. Alexander’s new empire soon divided into several states, ruled by his generals and their descendants. In addition, outsiders, notably the Celts from Gaul, who sacked Rome in 390 B.C., invaded Macedonia in the early third century and later Asia Minor, threatening the Hellenistic world.
The great cities were also dominated by Greeks. Commerce increased, and women often played significant roles in economic activities. Slavery was extensive, with the slave market on the island of Delos selling as many as 10,000 slaves each day. Educational opportunities were broadened, with the state sometimes assuming a larger role, though most schools were established by wealthy individuals. As in the past, education was generally for boys, not girls.
Egypt’s Alexandria was particularly significant in cultural matters: its library contained 500,000 volumes (or scrolls), and artists and intellectuals were attracted to the city. The era was rich in literature, and comedy and history both thrived. Sculptors and architects found many opportunities under the patronage of kings and other wealthy individuals. It was a golden age for science and mathematics, with astronomers positing a heliocentric universe and accurately determining the circumference of the earth.
There were new schools of philosophy, such as Epicureanism and Stoicism. Religion remained central, but the worship of the Greek Olympian gods declined, and other religions came to the fore. Many were mystery religions that promised individual salvation, such as the Egyptian cult of Isis. Judaism remained the exception to the cults and civic religions, and worshiped Yahweh, whether in Judea, which again achieved its independence in 164 B.C., or elsewhere.
The Hellenistic world was a Greek-like world, but there were many other influences in that cosmopolitan society, and much would have appeared foreign to the Greeks of sixth and fifth
CHAPTER 5 SUMMARY
Italy, less mountainous and more fertile than Greece, almost bisects the Mediterranean, and was thus potentially positioned to dominate that inland sea, and under Rome it did so. The Greeks to the south and the Etruscans to the north were early influences, and the latter ruled Rome during the sixth century B.C. In 509 B.C. the Romans expelled the Etruscans establishing a republic, but one ruled by an aristocratic oligarchy.
Roman citizens were divided into two groups, or orders, the few patricians and the many plebeians. At the beginning of the Republic the former had the power, but from the early fifth century the two orders struggled with each other. Over time, through the Roman genius for political compromise, the plebeians gained influence, including a plebeian assembly, the right to become magistrates, and intermarriage, but most of the advantages went to the richer plebeians.
Rome also struggled with its neighbors, but not so peacefully. By 264 B.C. Rome was the master of Italy. Roman diplomacy was as important as its armies, and its rule was softened by allowing local autonomy and gradually granting Roman citizenship to non-Romans. The next challenge was Carthage and its empire in Africa and Spain. Three wars were fought (the Punic Wars: 264-241, 218-202, and 149-146 B.C.), with Rome the victor. In the east, Rome conquered Macedonia in 148 B.C., taking over Greece. The increasingly larger Roman army played a major and continuous role in Rome’s expanding empire.
Religion and law permeated Roman life. Ritual was at the focus of religion, for ritual established the correct relationship with the gods, both for individuals (families had their household cults) and for the state. Roman law was among its most enduring accomplishments. The early civil law for Romans was expanded to the law of nations, for Romans and non-Romans alike. Finally, a system of natural law emerged, based upon reason and universal divine law. Late Republican Rome was influenced by Hellenistic Greece, particularly in literature, art, and Stoic philosophy.
In the second century the conservative and traditional values of Rome declined as affluence and individualism increased, and from 133 B.C. to 31 B.C. the Republic was in crisis. There were factional struggles within the governing oligarchy.
In 60 B.C., Pompey, Crassus, and Julius Caesar seized power. Caesar conquered Gaul (most of western Europe) during the 50s B.C., thus becoming a threat to Pompey and the Senate. War led the defeat of the Senate and the death of Pompey. Caesar became dictator, thus alienating the Senate oligarchy, who murdered him on March 15, 44 B.C. Mark Antony, Caesar’s chief associate, and Caesar’s young adopted heir, Octavian, then formed an alliance, but Antony’s relations with the Egyptian ruler, Cleopatra, contributed to the breaking of the pact. At the Battle of Actium (31 B.C.), Antony and Cleopatra were defeated, and Octavian became the sole ruler of the Roman world. The Republic had come to an end.
CHAPTER 6 SUMMARY
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